高級口譯數(shù)字記錄方法有哪些?今天小編給大家?guī)砹烁呒壏g資格口譯指導(dǎo)：數(shù)字記錄方法，希望可以幫助到同學(xué)們。下面小編就和大家分享，來欣賞一下吧。

高級翻譯資格口譯指導(dǎo)：數(shù)字記錄方法

數(shù)字的翻譯一直是口譯中的難點(diǎn)。這是因?yàn)橹杏⑽臄?shù)字的表達(dá)，在5個digit以上就不對應(yīng)了，簡單的一個例子：

1萬，英文的表達(dá)是10 thousand。因此數(shù)字的表達(dá)，特別是中英文之間的翻譯轉(zhuǎn)換，一定要靠記筆記，并借助符號，用符號來代替單位，區(qū)分中英文單位間的差異。

一.英譯中

如果你聽到下面一群復(fù)雜的數(shù)字，你該怎么記錄呢?

例：It covers a total of five hundred forty-nine million nine hundred forty-six thousand seven hundred and sixty-eight square meters.

可能會有這樣的幾種記錄方法：

第一種：5 h 49 m 9 h 46 th 7 h 68 sqm

第二種：549 m 946 th 768 sqm

如果在英譯中時這么記錄的話，恐怕等到規(guī)定翻譯的時間過了你還沒搞清究竟這堆數(shù)字是多少，翻成中文該怎么說。這時，我們就要考慮是否有簡單易做的方法呢?答應(yīng)肯定是YES。

記住：

英文表達(dá)數(shù)字時可以從右往左，三位一逗號，例如前面記錄的數(shù)字就是：549, 946，768

英文：三位一逗號，逗號從右往左，每個逗號的位置分別對應(yīng)的是：thousand, million, billion。

因此，要想英文數(shù)字記得快而準(zhǔn)，三位數(shù)的聽寫要過關(guān)。

聽寫英文數(shù)字和表達(dá)法這樣應(yīng)該沒多大問題了，那么怎樣翻譯成中文呢?方法也是一樣，中文用豎線表達(dá)，以區(qū)分英文的逗號，即從右往左、四位一豎。剛才例舉的數(shù)字：549,946,768可以這么添上記號轉(zhuǎn)換成中文的表達(dá)法：5│49,94│6,768

中文：四位一豎，每個豎線位置從右往左分別對應(yīng)的是：萬，億

所以上面的數(shù)字經(jīng)劃線后可以輕松的讀成：五億//四千九百九十四萬//六千七百六十八

翻譯考試一級口譯實(shí)務(wù)漢譯英真題及參考答案

第一篇 WTO改革

和一個國家一樣，任何國際組織都需要與時俱進(jìn)，WTO也不例外。多哈回合久拖不決，十多年來，發(fā)達(dá)成員數(shù)千億美元的農(nóng)業(yè)補(bǔ)貼沒有一絲一毫的削減;電子商務(wù)等新興業(yè)態(tài)在全球市場上風(fēng)生水起，WTO卻未能提供任何國際規(guī)范;更嚴(yán)重的是，面對今天甚囂塵上的單邊主義、保護(hù)主義狂潮，WTO難以進(jìn)行有效地制約。

A country needs to keep up with the new developments, and so are the international organizations. WTO is no exception. The Doha Round has been dragging on for years. Over the past decade, the hundreds of millions of dollars in agricultural subsidies in the developed members have remained largely unchanged. But at the same time, new forms of business, such as e-commerce, have flourished across the world. WTO is not providing international norms to address any of these issues. What is even more alarming is that the organization seems to be losing effectiveness to rein in the rampage of unilateralism and protectionism.

因此，WTO需要改革、必須改革。同時，改革必須堅(jiān)持正確的方向，采取恰當(dāng)?shù)姆绞健?/p>

For all these reasons, WTO needs a reform. But the reform should be in the right direction and taking the right approach.

第一，改革必須堅(jiān)持反對保護(hù)主義、單邊主義的方向，必須有助于推進(jìn)世界范圍的貿(mào)易自由化、投資便利化進(jìn)程，必須堅(jiān)持非歧視的原則，必須充分發(fā)揚(yáng)民主。改革不是另起爐灶，對已經(jīng)制定的規(guī)則，大家都要遵守;如有人破壞，應(yīng)群起反對之。

First, the reform needs to be firmly set in the course of fighting against unilateralism and protectionism. It has to push for worldwide trade liberalization and investment facilitation. It has to stick to the principle of non-discrimination and adopt a democratic approach. Reform is not to reinvent the wheel. The existing rules must be fully respected and faithfully implemented. Reform is not an excuse for not implementing the rules, and any such attempt should be met with resistance from the members.

新的商業(yè)領(lǐng)域需要新規(guī)則，也應(yīng)允許部分成員，也許可從志同道合的成員開始進(jìn)行探索，但要充分聽取和考慮廣大發(fā)展中國家的意見和需求，最終形成多邊規(guī)則。

With respect to making new rules for new forms of business activities, we should allow members, maybe starting with groups of like-minded ones, to explore these issues, but we also need to duly consider the views and needs of the developing members and fully consult with them. Only through an inclusive process, can we maybe eventually reach multilateral outcomes.

第二，改革需要有優(yōu)先順序，循序漸進(jìn)，不能好高騖遠(yuǎn)。通過成員間的協(xié)商和談判，如果能夠盡快恢復(fù)WTO爭端解決機(jī)制的正常運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)，如果能夠在2019年如期達(dá)成漁業(yè)補(bǔ)貼協(xié)議，如果能在電子商務(wù)、投資便利化、中小微企業(yè)等議題的討論上有所進(jìn)展，如果能夠在透明度等問題上也做出一些改善，對于將于2020年舉行的第12屆WTO貿(mào)易部長會議來說，已是功莫大焉。在上述領(lǐng)域的改革中，中國愿意發(fā)揮積極的、建設(shè)性的作用，并做出與自身能力相稱的貢獻(xiàn)。

Second, we need to prioritize and take a step-by-step approach, and stay away from moonshot targets. If, through consultations and negotiations among the members, we could expeditiously restore the proper functioning of the dispute settlement mechanism, achieve an agreement on fishery subsidies in 2019 as we planned, make progress on the new topics such as e-commerce, investment facilitation and MSMEs, make improvements in terms of transparency. If we can achieve these targets at the MC12 in 2020, I think we can already call it a success. China is willing to play a proactive and constructive role, and to make contributions within its capacities.

有人把WTO比喻成為一個患了嚴(yán)重疾病的人，如果是這樣的話，做出正確診斷比匆忙開出藥方更重要。今天的討論可以算是一次醫(yī)生的集體會診，類似的會診也許會以不同的方式進(jìn)行多次，直到我們確認(rèn)真正的病源是什么，然后再對癥下藥。

People sometimes say that the WTO is a patient in a critical state with multiple failing organs. If that is the case, urgently resorting the functioning of the organs and making the right diagnostics of the illness is more important that rushing to give prescriptions. Today’s discussion might be a group consultation of doctors to identify what is the cause of the illness and work on a plan for proper treatment. We might have many such group consultations in different formats so that we can have the right understanding of the issues and provide the right solutions.

我們每個人都知道WTO的危機(jī)來自何方。任何一個國家或者個人對WTO的態(tài)度，都只是WTO改革的背景，而不是改革的原因。當(dāng)然我們必須要做最壞的打算，但我不想針對假設(shè)性的問題花費(fèi)過多的時間。我只想說，我們會在自己的能力和職責(zé)范圍內(nèi)，努力推動正確的WTO改革。

We all know where the crisis of WTO comes from, but whatever a particular country or a particular individual thinks about the WTO, it can only serve as the context rather than the reason for the reform of the WTO. Of course, we have to prepare for the worst, but I don’t want to spend too much time on hypothetical scenarios. I just want to say that we will, within our capacities and responsibilities, work hard to push for the right reform of the WTO.

題目來源： 中國常駐世界貿(mào)易組織代表團(tuán)張向晨大使在法國經(jīng)濟(jì)財(cái)政部、外交部組織的研討會午餐時的發(fā)言

第二篇 “一帶一路”倡議

“一帶一路”倡議提出以來，許多國家都將其視為和中國合作的機(jī)會和平臺。但是也有批評認(rèn)為，中國的“一帶一路”所提供的的貸款，加大了例如斯里蘭卡等國的債務(wù)，使他們無力償還。 但是一帶一路倡議實(shí)施僅僅五年，中國是國際投融資市場的后來者。中國公司走出去，在國外投資也有限。

Many countries see the BRI as an opportunity and a platform for closer cooperation with China. One criticism that people have raised is the idea of debt. The idea that many of the loans or the investments involved loans from China to the countries like Sri Lanka may make them take on too much debt and they won't be able to fund them. China is a latecomer in international investment and financing markets. It's just been five years since the BRI was put forward. And it hasn't been that many years since Chinese companies started to explore the global market.

根據(jù)斯里蘭卡中央銀行的統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù)，2017年中國的貸款僅占斯里蘭卡外債的10%左右，其中 60%是低于國際市場利率的優(yōu)惠貸款。因此，很明顯，斯里蘭卡外債負(fù)擔(dān)，并不是中國的責(zé)任。實(shí)際上債務(wù)有很多因素構(gòu)成，包括一個國家的歷史舊賬、國際經(jīng)濟(jì)環(huán)境的變化，包括儲備貨幣上漲、其他國家利率上調(diào)、大宗商品價(jià)格的下降等。

According to the 2017 annual report issued by its central bank, Sri Lanka's total foreign debt is over US$50 billion. China only accounts for about 10%. Plus, over 60% of Chinese loans are concessional loans, with an interest rate much lower than the international level. The cause for debt is complicated and involves many factors, including economic fundamentals, historical debt baggage, or changing international and economic environment like rising protectionism, interest rates hike in some advanced economies, appreciation of major reserve currencies as well as plummeting commodity prices.

斯里蘭卡的港口建設(shè)，實(shí)際上是斯里蘭卡邀請中方進(jìn)行的。斯里蘭卡一直希望打造全球性的物流和倉儲中心，但是因?yàn)閮?nèi)亂和戰(zhàn)爭， 始終沒有如愿。如今斯里蘭卡局勢穩(wěn)定，因此希望中國參與建設(shè)。一開始中國企業(yè)不了解當(dāng)?shù)鼐謩荩灿泻芏嗒q豫，最后經(jīng)過大量研究、探討，雙方終于達(dá)成共識，組建合資企業(yè)，股權(quán)共有。 但是我要強(qiáng)調(diào)的是，港口的主權(quán)和所有權(quán)都屬于斯里蘭卡，建設(shè)完成后，如果斯里蘭卡覺得有必要，可以購回股權(quán)。

About the Hambantota port, the project was built and run at the request of the Sri Lankan side. For years, Sri Lanka had hoped to make good use of its geographical location and build the country into a logistic and warehouse hub in the Indian ocean. In the past, because of civil war and conflict, they were unable to do so. Now the situation is stable, to build an international port is back on their agenda. And they looked for help from China. The idea of the operation right also came from the Sri Lankan side. The Chinese company was hesitant at first because they were not familiar with such situation. After careful studies and rounds of consultation and negotiation, the Chinese company overcame difficulties and reached agreement with the Sri Lankan side to set up two joint ventures, and had acquired corresponding stakes. I want to stress that the sovereignty over and ownership of the Hambantota port belong to Sri Lanka throughout the process. When it is done, if it so needs, Sri Lanka can repurchase part of or all stakes from the Chinese company until it takes it all back.

也有人將“一帶一路”與馬歇爾計(jì)劃相比較。“一帶一路”與馬歇爾計(jì)劃有相似之處，它們都是在和平時期促進(jìn)基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施發(fā)展的倡議。但是“一帶一路”與馬歇爾計(jì)劃存在本質(zhì)區(qū)別。首先一帶一路”比“馬歇爾計(jì)劃”既古老得多，又年輕得多。說古老，是因?yàn)椤耙粠б宦贰眰鞒兄哂袃汕Ф嗄隁v史的古代絲綢之路精神，是古代絲綢之路精神的現(xiàn)代版本。說年輕，是因?yàn)椤耙粠б宦贰闭Q生于全球化時代，是開放合作的產(chǎn)物，不是地緣政治的工具，不同于馬歇爾計(jì)劃，因?yàn)樗Q生于冷戰(zhàn)期間，是美蘇爭霸的產(chǎn)物。其次，“一帶一路”重在強(qiáng)調(diào)不同國家間的相互交流和互聯(lián)互通。

Some compare the Belt and Road Initiative to the Marshall plan. It may appear that the two initiatives have something in common, as they are both about investment in infrastructure in peacetime. But other than that, they cannot be more different. First, time-line wise, the Belt and Road Initiative ( BRI ) is older and also younger than the Marshall Plan. Older because it draws inspiration from the spirit of the ancient Silk Road with over 2000 years of history, hence the modern version of the Silk Road. It is younger than the Marshall plan, because it was conceived in the 21st century, an era of globalization, and born out of opening-up and cooperation. Secondly, the Marshall Plan was introduced during the Cold War dominated by rivalry between the United States and the former Soviet Union. Therefore it had clear geopolitical and ideological goals. The BRI, on the other hand, focuses on economic cooperation and connectivity.

題目來源：2018年9月10日外交部副部長樂玉成接受英國《金融時報(bào)》亞洲版總編吉密歐專訪就“一帶一路”倡議有關(guān)問題闡述了中方政策立場

翻譯考試一級口譯實(shí)務(wù)漢譯英真題及參考答案

第一篇 中產(chǎn)階級的興起

目前中產(chǎn)階級人口為 38 億，占全球人口一半左右，和貧困人口相當(dāng)。中產(chǎn)階級是人口中增長最快的，預(yù)計(jì)到 2020 年底將達(dá) 40 億。增長最多的是在亞洲，包括中國、印度、東南亞等。富人雖然人均消費(fèi)高，但是人數(shù)少。窮人人數(shù)多，但是收入不足以消費(fèi)。因此中產(chǎn)階級的崛起帶來了商機(jī)，以前只在發(fā)達(dá)國家出現(xiàn)，現(xiàn)在全球都是如此。對于中產(chǎn)階級的定義有很多，比如定義窮人為每人每天消費(fèi)1.8 美元，而中產(chǎn)階級為每人每天 110 美元。我們對中產(chǎn)階級的定義是能夠買得起經(jīng)久耐用的大件物品，比如摩托車、冰箱等;他們還能進(jìn)行娛樂消費(fèi)，例如看電影、度假等。他們不會因病致貧，或者因失業(yè)致貧，能夠抵御經(jīng)濟(jì)困難的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)。這種定義也得到了很多研究人員的認(rèn)可。

第二篇 全球貿(mào)易和供應(yīng)鏈

全球貿(mào)易實(shí)際上是企業(yè)進(jìn)行競爭和合作的過程。但是美國總統(tǒng)特朗普、美國政治家和官員并不這么認(rèn)為。他們相信總統(tǒng)所做的承諾，即讓美國再次偉大起來。當(dāng)然國家間的關(guān)系也有著競爭，比如影響力的競爭，最壞的情況下甚至?xí)M(jìn)行軍事沖突。但是認(rèn)為貿(mào)易等同于國家間的競爭，實(shí)際 上是將參與全球貿(mào)易的公司和國家劃等號，原因是貿(mào)易數(shù)據(jù)實(shí)際上是由進(jìn)出口組成的。于是有人相信這種謬論，即 A 國出口10 美元到 B 國，就意味著 A 國國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)了 10 美元的產(chǎn)品。這實(shí)際上跟現(xiàn)實(shí)失之千里。如今所有國家和公司都要參與到全球性的供應(yīng)鏈之中，除非某個國家完全閉關(guān)鎖國，不參與國家貿(mào)易。但是世界上沒有這樣一個國家，即使是朝鮮也不例外。比如蘋果公司的蘋果手機(jī)，是由起源于中國臺灣的鴻海，也就是富士康，在中國大陸設(shè)廠生產(chǎn)的。每年中國向美國運(yùn)送價(jià)值 20 億美元的蘋果手機(jī)。特朗普認(rèn)為這是美國對中國貿(mào)易逆差的原因之一。但是實(shí)際上，雖然在手機(jī)中國生產(chǎn)，但是手機(jī)部件的供應(yīng)商遍布全球，家喻戶曉的比如韓國的三星和 LG，日本的東芝和索尼，美國自己的高通等等。還有一些不那么出名，但是同樣重要的供應(yīng)商則來自荷蘭、新加坡等。更復(fù)雜的是，富士康在新加坡、馬拉西亞、泰國等地設(shè)廠，也向大陸的富士康供應(yīng)部件。因此根據(jù)拉里研究機(jī)構(gòu)的報(bào)告顯示，中國實(shí)際上只獲取了其中一小部分產(chǎn)品附加值。

高級翻譯資格口譯指導(dǎo)：數(shù)字記錄方法相關(guān)文章：

★ 翻譯資格考試中級口譯復(fù)習(xí)講義

★ 2020年翻譯資格考試中級口譯精選詞匯

★ 口譯經(jīng)典名著學(xué)翻譯:《傲慢與偏見》系列二